Analytical Essay Sample on the Body Image Standards of Health and Beauty

Analytical Essay Sample on the Body Image Standards of Health and Beauty What is the average weight? What is healthy? How do these two things compare to the standards society has on health and beauty today? What do you see when you look in the mirror? And why don’t people see regular people in fashion TV advertisements? I personally think that advertisers should introduce people of all weight sizes into the fashion advertisements. Throughout history, women’s roles have been to make themselves as attractive to others as possible. Although fashion and physical values have changed over time, this drive has remained constant. The recent change of women’s extreme thinness has become a topic of concern in the health department. This issue starts as early as the first day a person was born. Gender differences, the surrounding environment, and the pressure of ideal image are almost impossible to escape due mostly to the everyday occurrences that one encounters. Roberta Seid’s â€Å"Too ‘Close to the Bone’: The Historical Context for Women’s Obsession with Slenderness† discusses both present ideals and those of previous time periods, as well as the negative effects these standards have had on women. Andy Vu’s â€Å"The Struggle for a Healthy Body Image† presents a similar topic, but it’s related specifically to both male and female college students. S. Almond’s â€Å"The Influence of the Media on Eating Disorders† tries to make the point of how everyone was made to be unique. Almond says that products are often advertise to promote the ideal body image. A lecture by Susan Rausch touched on both college students and society as a whole, offering statistical data on eating disorders and societal views on physical appearance. And In Ann Marie Cussins â€Å"The Role of Body Image in Women’s Mental Health† she discusses the issue from a standpoint aspect. Rausch begins her speculation with a question: Why is it that people treasure variations in the magnificence of nature, but not in the concept of beauty in ourselves? Each expert comments the fact that over the past 40 years, the representations of beauty such as models, actresses, and Miss America, have been getting thinner and thinner. These symbols of perfect beauty are wearing sizes 1, 0 and even smaller (Vu 1), portraying only the thinnest 5 to 10 percent of Americas that fit in this size category (Seid 479). Each agrees that the current average American is now considered â€Å"overweight†. However, Seid and Raush support this statement with statistics: 90 to 95 percent of women do not feel they meet the â€Å"standard†, leading millions of women to think abnormal of themselves (Seid 479). Rausch mentioned that 47 percent of women with normal weight feel they are overweight (Raush’s speech outline 3). Seid mentions that women’s self-image successfulness, and survival could be determine mostly by the way the look. As for men, success is based on how they act and what they accomplish (Seid 480). The way a person looks and their personality determines the person they are able to interact with. In society today, women are viewed as beautiful and vulnerable whereas men are classified as strong and powerful. Cussins explains that women are unconsciously dissatisfied with their motherly role toward daughters (Cussins 2). One of Cussins’s patient talk about her unhappiness with the problem of bulimia, and how bulimia effected the relationship with her mother and family. The patient tries to develop a healthy diet to make her mother happy but she throws up everything she eats or she will feel depressed. Not only is it hard for the patient but also for the mother since she feels that her child is communicating less in-depth with her (Cussins 110-111). This only one of few effe cts that a person has to deal with if he or she tries to achieve the ideal weight. Almond said that â€Å"constant media pressures can lead to body dissatisfaction, which may result in distorted eating patterns†. He also says that the media portraits the â€Å"ideal figure†, making women think that they are overweight because they don’t look like the person in the advertisement, resulting in body dissatisfaction. He points out that products are advertise displaying the ideal body image in hope that people will purchase the product thinking that they are also going to look like that person in the display. Trying to achieve this can lead to â€Å"depression, stress, guilt, shame, insecurity, unhappiness, and lower self-confidence† (Almond 367). The most recent transformation in clothing styles have also played a key role as well; Seid states that the more revealing fashion allows no compensation for the body â€Å"underneath†. With men the issue tend s to be on a different side of the spectrum: bigger is better. In the attempt to â€Å"bulk up† and play the man’s role, many turn to the use of steroids, which are harmful to the body and can produce many serious problems, including cancer (Vu 3). We must now look at the main problems in order to find a way to solve this problem, it has already become a social disease and people need to realize that trying to achieve the â€Å"ideal size† is almost impossible (Vu 3), and even if they do, the damages they do to their bodies can make them feel worse than when the first started to lose weight, it could even lead to death. The question that remains is weather the advertisement individuals and institutions have truly looked into, and understood, the effects of such ideal standards, and when, or if, changes will ever take place. The aftermath that occurs while trying to aim for the so called ‘ideal’ image. And how family and friends affect the way you feel about your body. In the attempt to become the â€Å"perfect† woman, each expert holds that many put themselves trough both psychological and physical pain. Though they each emphasize eating disorders, they do so in different ways. Seid speaks of eating disorders on a whole, relating them to current dieting practices. She states that effects of deprivation can be found in many dieters: tension, irritability, pre-occupation with food, and exhaustion are all present (Seid 478). Vu asserts that a lack of nutrition can lead to the consequence of disorders such as anorexia and bulimia: anorexia can force the body to start feeding on itself, bulimia can cause damage to the teeth and esophagus, and both are life threatening (Vu 3). When the person tries to starve itself to lose weight the body might develop anorexia and bulimia; causing the individual to throw up everything he or she might eat. Men use steroids in to deal with body dissatisfactions. Excess of this drug may lead to â€Å"brain cancer, liver damage and heart attacks†, even young healthy men can be effected (Vu 3). The question now lies on whether or not the person pays a high price in trying to achieve the ‘ideal’ image. All of the experts say the price is not worth it. Rausch states in Vu’s article that the advertising industry promotes a body image that is â€Å"biologically† impossible to achieve and â€Å"live up to† (Vu 3). Seid says that â€Å"numerous studies demonstrate that the majority of the â€Å"fat† cannot slim down permanently. The problem is not their lack of willpower, but the unreasonable expectation placed on them to weight a certain amount† (Seid 478). I personally think that the effects of trying to achieve the â€Å"ideal† image is not worth paying the price for. The person is damaging the body instead of trying to help it. Some people lose weight only to gain it back later, so what is the point of doing it. I think that each person has a different body type and metabolism, some people can’t lose weight even if they try to, leaving them depressed and anxious in the â€Å"journey† towards the perfect body. Bulimia and anorexia are horrible diseases to deal with because of the things they do to the body. I’m not suggesting that if your fat, you can’t exercise or live a healthy life, I think this can be achieved. Just look at the line men playing football, summon wrestlers, they are â€Å"big† but at the same time they are healthy. People cannot just look at the body from the outside, but from the inside. Skinny people are not always healthy, sometimes they are malnourish, or have diseases s uch as the ones pointed out by Vu, anorexia and bulimia. Media has greatly influence people into falling into the trap of what is in style and what is not. Teenage girls are affected by compulsion to receive a degree of thinness that they see in models (Cussins 2). Women who look at fashion magazines wanted to weight less and are more worry about getting fatter than the women who read news magazines (Rausch 3). â€Å"There has been a shift in the media portrayal of the ‘ideal’ body size for women, from the voluptuous curved figure of Marilyn Monroe in the 1950s to a thinner ‘waif-like’ look of Kate Moss in the 1980s† (Almond 367). Over the years the media advertising models have been getting thinner and thinner; making women more dissatisfied because they want to look like that â€Å"girl† in the advertisement. The media have developed the ideal body shape in the hope that it will create more sales of the product that they are trying to sell. But it seems like the advertisement and media industries a re not caring about how a person feels in trying to achieve the ideal body. By promoting the ideal body the media contribute to eating disorders (Almond 367). I believe that the media is the most contributing factor to this problem. They have develop the ideal image of what a person should look like but most of it is false advertisement. I never see a â€Å"fat† person on TV advertising about a beauty product or a new fashion design. When you flip the pages of most magazines all you see is thin women advertising the new Victoria’s Secret new collection. Why doesn’t the media use people of all sizes in their advertisements to fill up the needs of all people. I’m not saying I don’t like the present people in the advertisements, to be honest, as a man I like to see â€Å"hot† women in advertisements but we have to look at the reality: that the people need to see more variety of â€Å"sizes† to satisfy the kinds of people who are looking for something like them, and not making them feel bad because they are looking at something that is â€Å"impossible† to achieve. Now the question that remains is how can we start solving this problem of the ‘ideal’ imagine. Short says that â€Å"Once society starts to realize that society’s stereotypes are just stereotypes, and actually not ideal situations, then people will start to find a cure† (Vu 3). Seid suggest that â€Å"we recultivate our tastes and find a saner middle ground where our bodies can round out with more life, flesh, and health; where we can relish the fruits of our prosperity without self-punishment† (Seid 483). Seid also says that people must get rid or the thought of the ‘ideal’ image, â€Å"because it is misguided and destructive†, she says (Seid 484). Cussins suggest that psychotherapist need a new approach in treating eating disorders. Cussins says that many doctors threat the eating disorder as a second symptom to the eating disorder, making the patient have to come to many visits in a lengthy recuperation. The problem is that the lengthy treatment has a high drop out rate. â€Å"A specialized service where a woman feels that her initial contact gives her hope through feeling that someone is immediately making sense of her problems would avoid the high drop-out rate of those who take a tentative first step†, Cussin suggest (Cussing 113-114). I agree with all the suggestions that have been made by all of the experts, a therapy that understands the patient’s psychological problem with weight needs to be an option for the patient, not just one therapy that looks at the problem from the â€Å"outside†. Having the support of family and friends should also help the person accept who they are. This is very important because sometimes even family members put the person down, and the family is the most important thing in a person’s life. If the person does not have the support of the family than it is going to be even harder for he or she to deal with the problem of the ‘ideal’ obsession. And finally, I think the media contribute the most damage to the ‘not ideal’ people. When I’m watching TV all I see in the fashion advertisements is thin models, not only on television but also in most fashion magazines. I am not â€Å"fat†, but I can not even imagine how an â€Å"ever size† person feels when they see mostly thin people advertising something that is: not fitting for them, too small, or just not their â€Å"taste†. I think that the media should advertise products, and fashion for all types of people: thin, oversized, pretty, ugly. This way of advertising would please all stereotypes, and I honestly think that it would help reduce the problem that itself has created: the â€Å"ideal image†. The obsession over thinness has been in the past, is here in the present, and will be in the future. Based on the sources synthesized, if people don’t do something soon to change this â€Å"ideology†, it will take many centuries to get over something that has evolved for hundreds of years. Fashion, media, family members, and peer pressure will continue to be major factors in the obsession with slenderness. As a result, as long as these issues are still here, the dangerous aftermath will continue to plague Americans for centuries to come: â€Å"We stand poised between a past for which we have lost respect and a future we must now struggle to envision† (Seid 485).

Smallpox essays

Smallpox essays The issue regarding whether or not Americans should get the smallpox vaccine has been quite controversial recently with the prospect of a bio-terrorist attack. Although a threat of this nature might be possible in the future, I feel the medical risks that accompany getting the vaccination outweigh a possible threat of an outbreak. Therefore, I dont feel it as a priority to receive vaccination based on several medical studies surrounding the vaccination. Back in 1980, the disease itself was officially declared eradicated, and as a result, smallpox no longer exists outside the laboratory. However, two official stockpiles remain-one at the CDC and one in Siberia. The possibility that anti-American regimes, such as in Iraq, have obtained samples of the virus and have bred it into their weapons stocks is what has many Americans scared of a possible outbreak. Recently, the Bush Administration has proposed the idea of offering vaccination of the disease to all Americans, yet there are quite some risks associated with getting vaccinations, which have led way to extensive controversy over the issue. Several medical studies have discovered that when getting vaccinated, death may occur in rare cases, along with side effects unlike any other vaccine seen on the market. The unique aspect of this particular vaccine is the fact that the virus is live, meaning it can also be transmitted from the open sore caused by the vaccination to other parts of the body, or to other people. In the 1960s, 20 percent of bad reactions occurred not in vaccine recipients but among their household members and close contacts. Back in the 1960s when smallpox vaccination was still routine, the CDC came out with several shocking statistics if the entire population of the US was vaccinated. Based on those CDC statistics, around 300 people would die and another 7000 would accidentally spread the vaccine virus to somewh...

For the Love of Water Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

For the Love of Water - Essay Example Major bodies and political institutes have gained control over the water distribution channels of the world and are making a lot of money at the expense of the poor persons. Water has now turned into an expensive commodity that can only be afforded by the well off while the rest have to do with spring water, or even dirty ditch water. Positive and negative externalities There are positive and negative externalities as far as water supply is concerned. The positive externalities are; the suppliers of the water are making millions as the commodity is in demand since we cannot do without water. It is the big corporations that are gaining from this business. These corporations are headed by persons who are believed to be associated with the World Bank. So as the World Bank imposes regulations on countries concerning the privatization of water supply then these corporations cash in. Privatization Privatization being the transfer of the ownership or business title to the private sector has turned the water supply system into a mess. Initially as the governments would supply water through their own ministries, there was sanity in the industry. As time went by, pressures have been exerted especially on the developing countries to privatize the water supply systems. Initially, the private sectors made the people believe that they were out to help them have water supply but this was not the case. It is common sense that as these companies supply water, they are in business and would want to make an extra coin for their investors. Privatization was meant to equip the cities with portable water and sewerage which did happen but only to those people who could afford the change. A lot of people who earn very little couldn’t afford the change and thus have to do with well water or borehole water where available. In other places in the world, the private sector connected water then charged for the water supply or consumption that people use. When these people are not ab le to pay for the water, it is cut off. These people have now turned rebellious and are reconnecting the pipes themselves to get the water. Some do this in the night. Advantages of privatization. Privatization though considered a bad omen by the people especially of the developing countries has its own advantages though not many. It has created employment as these corporations set up firms in these countries to supply water. These firms also contract persons to do the piping and sewerage construction, thereby creating money making avenues for the people on the ground. With the coming of the pipe water, it is believed that the rate of people getting water borne diseases was reduced as these water supplying corporations cleaned and disinfected the water. According to FLOW (2013) bad and infected water kills more than even AIDS and other diseases. Privatization was also a God sent blessing to the water bottling companies as the rate at which people are taking bottled water is very high and it created a booming business. To the people that were able to pay, sewerage and piped water is a blessing as compared to fetching water at a river or borehole. Disadvantages of privatization With these advantages came many disadvantages. People are excluded from portable water in cities. They don’t have water nor the money to buy the basic commodity. The kind of wages that these people get cannot allow them to have all the water that they would require to live healthy lives. They have to make do with very little water and do all they need to with this. What they can do away with like bathing daily, and cleaning their clothes, they don’t do on a daily basis but just when it is really necessary. The private water suppliers have neglected them. For these suppliers it is just

What are the strengths and limitations of the methods of 'political Essay

What are the strengths and limitations of the methods of 'political economy' in offering us insights into the operation of t - Essay Example Studies depict that the media units reach the reader through catchy information that propels the purchases and drives out competition. However, the act is often a tricky affair as the media may employ propaganda to enrich the information and reach the reader with the desired degree of perception (Skinner, 2005, p. 2). The context documents the theories and theorists on the limitations and strengths of the media in relevance to the political economy method and the general environment. The Political Economy Method Media channels release news to the environment meant to convey information on the actual outcome of events that affect the lives of individuals. In the competitive media industry, the channels shift concerns towards profitability rather than practice the right approaches to the environment through abiding by the code of conduct. For example, the readers do not expect that the information conveyed to them could be ill yet interesting, but on the other hand, it is a criterion a pproach that only catchy information would sale to the readers profitably (Mcchesney, 2008, p. 45). The practice implies a conflicting situation to the ethical code of conduct and the prevailing cultural values and the extent upon which the media practices further contrast with the will to deliver information and that of amassing profits (Plappert, 2010, p. 3). The media practices of the political economy method meant to derive the following set of views. The media industry depicted a continuous overflow in the market that threatened concentration, as this would normally implicate negative returns on revenues. The media depicted that globalization pursued the industry and based on the decreased diversity, chances were that the international audience would tend to react towards information in a similar manner (Wasko, Murdock and Sousa, 2011, p. 24). Prospects were that the method would hinder any negative influence from the opposition and other groups that would perceive a chance to indict charges towards the media practices. According to the team on political economy, Raymond established that the media and the public established different interests, but the extent to which the public would affect the media, was dependent on private interests of the media stakeholders (Winseck and Jin, 2011, p. 76). The Problem Approach of the ‘Political Economy’ Method in Relation to the Media The method of political economy in relation to the actual consciousness of the society through media communication raised a heated debate in the 1970s. The theorists of the political economy approach outlined the importance of the method and that it enhanced the welfare of the individual society members negatively. In a way, the media would articulate communicative programs to monetary related objectives and ensure that the public felt the salient role of the information in the society (Wasko, Murdock and Sousa, 2011, p. 28). The media would evolve accordingly through the pr ocesses and programs that related inversely to the economic propulsion but ethnically contrasted with societal beliefs and norms. The theory of ‘political economy,’ as initially indicated by Marx and Engels, targeted to realize ethics alongside economic values. This would further imply the aspect of consciousness towards the society. The contrast is that towards the end of implementation of the theory, the result was a positive economic approach to the business culture with less relation to the societal welfare, thus

Language and Identity Essay Example for Free

Language and Identity Essay Who am I? What is it that defines that personality? Anzaldua argues in her essay that the language is what defines one’s identity. Language is indeed an important component of culture, and culture is known to be a crucial definer of identity. People use language to connect to their identities and communicating their realities and values to themselves and to the world around them†¦ In other words, language is important because people use it to express their thoughts and beliefs. â€Å"People evolve a language in order to describe and thus control their circumstances† (Baldwin 109). Consequently, language does not necessarily define identity as much as identity defines language. People decide on what language to use in order to communicate with their communities according to their identities. One’s identity defines and regulates the use of language and not the contrary. People speak different languages; this difference is used to identify and distinguish between different people, different ethnicities and races. The human need to belong to a group makes them abide to a specific language and dialect that represents their specific community and differentiate it from the rest. Language is what connects people to their communities; they are directly connected to people who speak the same language as them. Anzaldua argues that â€Å"Ethnic identity is twin skin to linguistic, I am my language† (Anzaldua 136), which strongly supports the fact that language is used to ensure that people belong to group. Talking the same language and using the same expressions defines to which group people belong to, it also evaluates the truthfulness of the affiliation. â€Å"Until I can take pride in my language, I cannot take pride in myself†, which basically states that language shapes one’s identity. This statement however, does not apply to all situations and communities and is certainly not constant. There are people who cannot identify to a specific group but rather to a variety of communal affiliations. Most people speak multiple languages; each language connects them to a specific culture and group of people. Tan clearly mentions in her story that she had to speak two different languages to her Asian mom who had her own made up English. Tan relates to both her Asian descent and American belongings by using her mom’s made up English to speak with her mom, and uses the proper English to give lectures and speak to most Americans. On the same grounds, Anzaldua learned through her life experiences to frequently use multiple types of English, and many other Dialects of proper Spanish and Mexican Spanish. She uses each language to communicate, connect and affiliate to specific people according to their background. This proves that the assumption that language defines culture and identity fails. What happens to the people who speak many languages, do they not get the benefit and pride of belonging to a certain community? Rather the contrary, they belong to multiple communities and they choose which group they want to communicate with and with which language. People have the ability to switch from a language to another to be part of a group and this supports the idea that identity defines and shapes language, and not the opposite. Language is used as a way to identify with people, but it is also used to distinguish between them. People use language to differentiate between people and associate them to a specific culture and community according to the language they speak. America is known for having a diverse population, and people are identified based on their language; Mexicans can be recognized to be Mexicans because of their accents even though they might be Caucasian. Tan argues that her mom spoke broken English that limited the people’s perception of her capacities. â€Å"People in department stores, banks, restaurants, did not take her seriously† (Tan 144)which strictly proves that people who do speak the proper language of the specific group they happen to be in generates a different treatment than that a true English speaker. Baldwin denounces that black Americans are treated differently than white Americans because they speak English with a different accent. When speaking â€Å"Black English, you have confessed your parents, your youth, your school, your salary, your self-esteem, and, alas, your future† (Baldwin 110) according to Baldwin. People associate language with background which then leads to choose to treat that specific person a talk to him a way they associate with the people who speak that exact same language. In this case, for the minority, it is language that assumes their behavior, but for the other dominant group, it is identity that shapes behavior. It is their identity that tells them that a specific language must be allocated with that specific type of person and then treat them in the way it is conventions set. People speak a specific language because it is in their identity to do so, and they choose to treat people differently according to language. This allows me to conclude that identity defines language, and language triggers behavior. Language is a major crucial component of our everyday life; it is used to differentiate between different categories of people, connect with one each group, and then choose how they will address those people. People argue that it is language that defines which type of person you are and shapes your identity. The arguments and the authors I quoted obviously proved the contrary, and stated that it is one’s identity that sets up and decides on the language used. References: Anzaldua, Gloria.  «How to Tame a Wild Tongue. » Nancy R Comley, David Hamilton, Carl H Klaus, Robert Scholes, Nancy Sommers, Jason T ougaw. Fields of Reading. New york : Bedford/ St. Martins , 2010. 131-141. Baldwin, James.  «If black english Isnt a language, Then Tell Me, What is. » Nancy R Comley, David Hamilton, Carl H Klaus, Robert Scholes, Nancy Sommers, Jason Tougaw. Fields of Reading. Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. 109-113. Tan, Amy.  «Mother Tongue. » Nancy R Comley, David Hamilton, Carl H Klaus, Robert Scholes, Nancy Sommers, Jason Tougaw. Fields of Reading. New York : Bedford/St. Matins, 2010. 142-147.

Comparing the Victorian Times of Great Expectations with Today Essays

Comparing the Victorian Times of Great Expectations with Today There are many things about the Victorian Age that are different from our way of life today. Evidence of this can be found in such elements of the 1800's as courting manners, child- rearing, transportation, housing and careers. The novel and film Great Expectations give many examples of the contrast of the present and the past. Victorians were a very class-conscious society. These days, just about anyone can manage to have fairly nice clothes, a decent car, a place to live, and reasonable job security. Not so in Victorian times. Great Expectations clearly illustrates the rich and poor extremes of the society. As a boy, Pip was seen as obviously poor by Estella, due to his calling knaves jacks, and having coarse hands and thick boots. She was disgusted even to be around him simply due to this fact. Pip simply couldn't afford many nice clothes because he was a blacksmith's son. The other end of the dress spectrum is shown by Pip's trip to the tailor later in the book. His money has all of a sudden made him an important man and he can have only the finest clothes. He spends much of the book walking around London decked out in suits and a top hat like he's better than everyone. While dress prejudices still exist in today's times, they are not as drastic as they seemed to be in the Victorian period. If you're looking to go to a bar and pick up a one-night stand, the 1800's are not the spot for you. Many marriages w...

Some Aspects of Muslim Educational System in Pre-Colonial India

SOME ASPECTS OF THE MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN PRE-COLONIAL INDIA by Aamir Bashir ABSTRACT This paper explores some of the hitherto less known aspects of the Muslim Educational System in pre-colonial India. It examines the broad contours of this system by looking at the public attitude towards knowledge, scholars and students; the various types of institutions, and the evolution of curriculum. It also looks at the depth of Indian scholars’ engagement with IadEth and other sciences. Finally, it also looks at Sufis and their attitude towards the various Islamic sciences.The paper suggests that the educational system of the period under study was organic in structure and was in tune with the needs of the individual and the society. The course of study was a good balance between the temporal and the religious. Indian ‘ulamE were fully engaged with the IadEth sciences; and lastly, the Sufis gave great importance to all Islamic sciences. This paper suggests that the historic al Muslim educational system in pre-colonial India provides valuable resources for the problems faced by modern educational systems.INTRODUCTION The aim of this paper is to bring to light some of the hitherto less known aspects of the Muslim Educational System in pre-colonial India. By pre-colonial India, we refer to the time from the advent of Islam in India in the beginning of the eighth century CE up to the consolidation of colonial rule in the middle of the eighteenth century. 1 This short paper cannot do justice to all the details of the Muslim Educational System during this period. Therefore, we shall confine ourselves to only some aspects of it. These include the evolution of the curriculum over the centuries, and general contours of the educational system.We will also be challenging some conventional theories. These include the notion that before the coming of the press, books were in short supply in India. The other is that IadEth was little known in India until the coming of ShEh WalE AllEh (d. 1762). We will be presenting individual incidents which we feel to be representative of a broader trend and from these we shall draw general conclusions. During the period under study Muslim rule gradually extended from Sindh to include the whole of Northern India until it became one of the three major Muslim powers of that time under 1All the dates mentioned in this paper are CE (common era) dates unless otherwise noted. the Great Mughals,2 Ottoman Turkey and Safavid Iran being the other two. Such a strong and vast empire required a strong administrative structure which in turn required an effective system of education. As we shall see later, education was sufficiently sought after, and provided for during this time, such that India at that time could favourably compare and often compete with the central lands of Islam in the field of scholarship. 3POSITION OF KNOWLEDGE AND EDUCATION IN ISLAM We begin our analysis with looking at the position of knowledge and education in Islam. Numerous Qur’anic verses and Prophetic traditions establish the centrality of knowledge in Islam. The verses include â€Å"Are those who know and those who do not know alike? † (39:9); the first revelation â€Å"Read in the name of your Lord who created† (96:1); and the prayer taught in the Qur’an, â€Å"Say (O MuIammad), My Lord! Increase me in knowledge† (20:114). Similarly, the Prophetic traditions (aIEdEth) exhorting people to seek knowledge are also well known.Examples include the famous tradition in which the Prophet is reported to have said, â€Å"It is obligatory upon every Muslim to seek knowledge. †4 At another time, he said â€Å"Seek knowledge even if you have to go to China. †5 Similarly, al-TirmidhE has reported a IadEth in which the Prophet (Allah bless him and give him peace) said, â€Å"The excellence of a scholar upon the worshipper is like my excellence over the lowest one amongst you. † 6 This emphasis upon knowledge and education has been taken for granted in Muslim societies since the beginning of Islam.The religious basis for the pursuit of knowledge resulted in defining the objective of education as al-fawz bi al-sa‘Edah fi al-dErayn i. e. to succeed through bliss in this world and the hereafter. This in turn implied that education should be acquired 2 â€Å"Great Mughals† is a term used to refer to the first six Mughal Emperors of India. These are, in chronological order, BEbar, HumEyEn, Akbar, JahEngEr, ShEh JahEn and Awrangzeb. These are the first and the greatest of all Mughal Emperors. In all, they reigned from 1526 to 1707 with a fifteen year interregnum from 1539 till 1555.The empire reached its zenith with Awrangzeb (reigned from 1658-1707) and after his death began her decline which ended with the capture of the last Mughal emperor BahEdur ShEh Zafar at the hands of the British in 1857. 3 S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, (Delhi: Id Era Adabiyyat-e-DillE, 1972), viii. 4 AbE Bakr AImad ibn al-? usayn al-BayhaqE, Shu‘ab al-OmEn, (Beirut: DEr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1410AH), 2:253. 5 Ibid. 6 MuIammad ‘Abd al-RaImEn ibn ‘Abd al-RaIEm MubErakpurE, TuIfat al-AIwadhE bi SharI JEmi‘ al-TirmidhE, ed. Abd al-RaImEn MuIammad ‘UthmEn, (Beirut: DEr al-Fikr, n. d. ), 7:456. 1. To understand the will of God and to lead one’s life according to it. 2. To inculcate Islamic values in oneself. 3. To cultivate cultured behavior in oneself. 7 As can be seen from these objectives, acquiring knowledge was considered a sacred duty. It was the sole means to success. Knowledge (‘ilm) and practice (‘amal) were inter-linked. Instruction (ta‘lEm) went hand in hand with training (ta’dEb). The traditional Islamic concept of education was, thus, holistic as understood at that time.Muslim scholars had divided knowledge into two parts, the farI ‘ayn (individually obligatory ) and the farI kifEyah (collectively obligatory); but there was no strict separation between the religious and the secular sciences. Both formed part of an integrated whole. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT AND PUBLIC ATTITUDE As we have seen above, Islam has placed considerable emphasis upon knowledge. Because of this we find that, historically, the general attitude of Muslims, throughout the world, towards knowledge, scholars and students had been that of reverence.In every land, there were to be found a significant number of people who had dedicated themselves to learning and/or teaching. At the same time, the general public considered it an act of worship to help the scholars and the students. This public attitude coupled with safety of the roads maintained by stable and strong Muslim governments, enabled people to move across great distances in search of knowledge. In spite of the crude means of conveyance, people were constantly on the move; students setting out to learn, teachers trav eling to teach. GhulEm ‘AlE OzEd BilgirEmE (d. 785) writes in his book Ma’Ethir al-KirEm, which is a historical account of sixteenth/seventeenth century Mughal India, that: Seekers of knowledge travel in multitudes from one place to another. Wherever, the situation is agreeable, they get busy in learning†¦. The well-to-do people of each town take care of these seekers of knowledge and consider it a great honour to serve them. 8 7 8 Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, Survey of Muslim Education: India, (Cambridge: The Islamic Academy, 1985), 5. Sayyid ManE? ir AIsan GElEnE, PEk-o-Hind main MusalmEnon kE Ni? Em-e-Ta‘lEm-o-Tarbiyyat. Lahore: Maktaba RaImEniyya, n. d. ) 19. The teachers occupied a high position in society. Though their emoluments were not always great, they commanded universal respect and confidence. GilEnE mentions a number of incidents when the teachers, in spite of their poverty, refused to accept any monetary help from others; and whatever help or gift was accepted, the giver always considered it to be an honor for his gift to have been accepted. 9 This attitude was widespread throughout the period under review. Even absolutist monarchs showed deference to the ‘ulamE and the Sufis. Ni?EmE has also mentioned several incidents of ‘ulamE and Sufis refusing royal gifts even while suffering from abject poverty. 10 For many, poverty was a chosen path and the royal gifts were seen as undoing years of patient hard work. INSTITUTIONS The main institutions for teaching and learning during the period of Muslim rule in India were maktabs and madrasahs,11 mosques and khEnqEhs (Sufi centers), and private houses. Almost every mosque served as an elementary school. However, a large number of eminent scholars and men of letter taught independently and even supported the students who came to them to study.This then was the foundation upon which the whole system was built; the teacher and the student. The issue of budgetary allocations for school buildings and provision of other services was not the top most priority for these people. What was most important was the existence of a sincere teacher and a sincere student. If these two were obtaining, other things could be improvised. OzEd has mentioned a famous teacher of his hometown Bilgiram, MEr MubErak. He taught there for years but throughout this time, he was based in the verandah of a certain noble of the town. verandah. 2 At the same time, the state was not negligent to matters of education. Kings as well as local Nawabs and other well-to-do people considered it an act of virtue to build maktabs, madrasahs and to support teachers and students. We find a network of such institutions; oneman schools as well as larger more organized affairs; scattered throughout the length and breadth 9 Hundreds came and studied from him but he continued to operate from that Ibid. , 24. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion & Politics in India during the 13th century, (Bomba y: Asia Publishing, 1961), 152-156. 1 It should be noted that madrasah refers to an institute which offers a comprehensive multi-year course in Islamic studies. It is different from a maktab which refers to part-time schools that offer basic instruction in reading the Qur’an and basics of Islam. 12 GElEnE, 21. 10 of India. All three levels viz. elementary, secondary, higher, were catered for. However, no one level dominated in any one institution. Private houses were being used to provide basic elementary education but at the same time could be seen to provide advanced studies to those interested.In fact, this lack of bureaucratic uniformity was this system’s greatest strength. The system reflected the needs of the people. It accommodated the grassroots desires and ambitions of people regarding education. Thus, we find huge well-funded, well-organized madrasahs existing side by side with one man schools operating out of private houses. 13 The student had the liberty of choosing which teacher to study from. Problems of admissions and school discipline were rare. The focus was on the real thing: education; with very little squabbling over the means to acquire it.Muslim rulers also patronized scholars. Amongst the earliest examples is that of the famous theologian Fakhr al-DEn al-REzE (d. 1209). He was also a great philosopher and expert in many Islamic sciences. He was patronized by many rulers. Among these was ShihEb al-DEn GhaurE (1206), the founder of Muslim rule in India proper. It is reported about him that he had al-REzE stay in his camp wherever he went. Al- REzE was the official prayer leader and delivered sermons and lectures in the camp. 14 COURSE OF STUDY Muslims first reached India as conquerors in the beginning of the eighth century.The intellectual climate of their Arab homeland was extended to Sindh, the portion of India that had been conquered. At this stage we find an active participation of Sindh based scholars in the field of Iad Eth. Their names appear in the chains of transmission of aIEdEth that were later on recorded by other IadEth masters. Some of their names and works have also been mentioned by ‘Abd al-? ayy al-? asanE in his al-ThaqEfah al-IslEmiyyah fi al-Hind. 15 However, this period lasted for only four centuries and Muslim rule was confined to Sindh and Multan (southern Punjab).Beginning towards the end of the tenth century, Muslims began to enter India from the North-West in successive waves, each time extending their territories even further towards North and Central India. Along with each invading army, and on 13 14 Ibid. MuIammad ShafE‘, FutEI al-Hind, (Karachi: IdErat al-Ma‘Erif, 2002), 60-61. 15 ‘Abd al-? ayy al-? asanE, al-ThaqEfah al-IslEmiyyah fi al-Hind, (Damascus: Mujamma‘ al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyyah bi Dimashq, 1983), 135. their own as well, came ‘ulamE and Sufis. Both had a role to play in the spread of Islamic knowledge in India.Major cities in the newly acquired territories quickly turned into centers of learning. Initially, Multan, then Lahore and finally Delhi became the pre-eminent centre of learning in North India. 16 This second period starting from the end of the tenth century lasted until the last quarter of the fifteenth century. During this time, India benefited enormously from an otherwise unmitigated disaster. The Mongol hordes that ravaged Central Asia, Afghanistan and Khorasan forced many of the scholarly families based there to migrate to other countries. India was the top destination for them.Not a day passed but a noteworthy scholar would arrive in Delhi with camel loads of books. The Indian rulers were fully aware of the worth of the newcomers. They made them feel extremely welcome. Every newcomer was given a post or a stipend or an estate to support himself and his family. Thus, the nascent Muslim community of North India benefitted from a continuous supply of scholars and books. During this period, the education system in North India consisted of three stages: At the first stage, as has been the practice throughout Muslim history in all Islamic lands, a child’s education began with the Qur’an.Each locality had teachers who specialized in tajwEd, the art of recitation of the Qur’an. It is mentioned about Ni? Em al-DEn AwliyE (d. 1325), the great Chishti Sufi saint of Delhi, that he started his education in his hometown, Badaun. This began with learning how to read the Qur’an. His teacher was a freed slave who had converted from Hinduism to Islam and knew the seven major recitations of the Qur’an. 17 After Qur’an, students would normally move on to Persian, the official language of the country. Most of the major works of Persian prose and poetry were studied. These included the works of major writers such as Sa‘dE, ? Efi? SalmEn SaojE, AnwarE, and others. 18 The education of the general population normally stopped at this level. Howeve r, it seems reasonable to assume that some elementary Arabic was also taught at this stage because the students were expected to understand the Arabic phrases that were often used in Persian books and regular conversation. We also find 16 17 Ibid. , 9-10. GElEnE, 139. Also cited by Nizami in KhalEq AImad Ni? EmE, IslEmE TehzEb kE Asar HindustEn par, (Lucknow, Majlis TehqEqEt-o-NashriEt-e-IslEm, 1982), 42. 18 GElEnE, 141. people with only basic education being able to freely quote from the Qur’an and Prophetic traditions. 9 The second stage was dedicated to an intensive study of the Arabic language as well as fiqh. Some of the books taught at this stage included: KEfiyah and MufaIIal for Arabic grammar; and MukhtaIar al-QudErE and Majma‘ al-BaIrayn for HanafE fiqh (Jurisprudence). Later on, MufaIIal gave way to SharI JEmE and SharI WiqEyah replaced Majma‘ al-BaIrayn. 20 Education up to this level was considered sufficient for those wanting to engage in teaching, pr eaching, etc. and entitled one to be called a dEnishmand (wise man) or a mawlawE. Studies at this level would correspond to the fourth year of study in the present-day eight year Dars-eNi?EmE. In the third stage, also called faIElat, advanced books of each science were studied. These included al-KashshEf and MadErik al-TanzEl for tafsEr (Qur’anic Exegesis), MishkEt al-MaIEbEI and MashEriq al-AnwEr for IadEth, al-HidEyah for HanafE fiqh, and UIEl al-BazdawE for uIEl alfiqh (principles of jurisprudence). Along with these, major works in the various branches of balEghah (rhetoric) were also studied. The one who completed this stage was called a fEIil. As can be seen from this brief outline, rational sciences and kalEm (dialectics) were not paid much attention in the regular curriculum.Only a few basic texts of logic and kalEm such as al-QuIbE and SharI al-OaIE’if were studied. 21 In fact, the general attitude amongst the ‘ulamE towards these is best summed up in thi s statement of FatEwE al-TEtErkhEniyah, a fatwE collection compiled during the fourteenth century: The issues of ‘ilm al-kalEm lead to new dissentions (fitnahs) and innovations and cause deterioration of faith; (and) the ones who normally engage in it are either less-intelligent or are seeking to dominate rather than seeking the truth. 2 This all changed towards the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century. During this third period which lasted until the beginning of the eighteenth century, logic, philosophy, and kalEm got new impetus. At this time, many students of SharEf JurjEnE and Sa‘d al-DEn TaftEzEnE moved to India and brought with them new books on grammar, 19 20 21 22 Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, 4. Ibid. , 5. GElEnE, 151. Ibid. , 155. rhetoric, kalEm and fiqh. 23 Later, FatIullEh ShErEzE came to India from Iran and brought with him works of DawwEnE, MullE OadrE and MirzE JEn.These works were readily accepted by Indians and before long the se became part and parcel of the curriculum. 24 Again during this period, purpose built institutions existed side by side with individualized private instruction. The fourth period can be said to have begun from the early part of eighteenth century lasting until the founding of DEr al-‘UlEm at Deoband in 1866. This period is characterized by the presence of two very important personalities. Each of them contributed to education in his own way. One is ShEh WalE AllEh of Delhi and the other is Ni? Em al-DEn SihElvE of Lucknow (d. 1748).WalE AllEh focused on the teaching of IadEth especially the OiIEI Sittah (the six major collections of IadEth viz. OaIEI al-BukhErE, OaIEI Muslim, JEmi‘ al-TirmidhE, Sunan AbE DEwEd, Sunan al-NisE’E and Sunan Ibn MEjah) and al-MuwaIItE of MElik ibn Anas. Later on, WalE AllEh’s son ShEh ‘Abd al-‘AzEz, operating from his base in Delhi, helped to popularize it throughout India. SihElvE, based at FarangE Mahal in Luckno w, focused on developing a comprehensive curriculum which came to be called Dars-e-Ni? EmE, after him. SihElvE focused more on the ma‘qElEt (rational sciences) and fiqh than on the manqElEt (transmitted sciences).In fact, an examination of this curriculum shows that it included ten books on logic, five on dialectics and three on philosophy while only a portion from two works of tafsEr and one book of IadEth were studied. 25 This curriculum proved extremely popular because of its ability to prepare students for independent study. Even the ShE‘ites of Lucknow came to the Sunni school of FarangE Mahal to study because of the reputation of this curriculum at producing well-rounded and rational, educated individuals. Although, our period of research ends here, however, let us state this much.WalE AllEh’s curriculum and SihElvE’s curriculum represented two extremes in their emphasis upon the transmitted and the rational sciences, respectively. Quite a number of p eople took advantage of both the curricula but there was still no single unified curriculum. That came about with the founding of the DEr al-‘UlEm at Deoband in 1866. The curriculum adopted at DEr al-‘UlEm, although still referred to as Dars-e-Ni? EmE, was a combination of the two. On the one hand, rational sciences were studied in almost as much detail as SihElvE had envisaged; and on the 23 24 25Al-Nadvi, 6. Ibid. , 7. Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, 10. other hand, WalE AllEh’s emphasis on IadEth was also incorporated so that during the last year of study, the OiIEI Sittah, as well as the SharI Ma‘EnE al-OthEr of al-UaIEwE, and the al-MuwaIIEs of MElik and MuIammad al-ShaybEnE were studied in their totality. INDIAN ‘ULAMO AND ? ADOTH The prevalent idea among the vast majority of Indo-Pakistani ‘ulamE is that IadEth was historically a neglected science in India. It was only with the coming of WalE AllEh that this changed.The unique position that WalE All Eh occupies in Indian Muslim intellectual history has meant that his supporters tend to sideline the important contributions made by others before him and during his time. Regarding the contributions of Indian ‘ulamE to IadEth, we have to keep Indian history in perspective. Muslims came to regard India proper (Sindh & Multan being the exception) as their home only after the coming to power of QuIb al-DEn Aybak in 1206. Indian Muslims’ contributions should be examined keeping this in mind. By this time, all the major works of IadEth had already been compiled.It was too late for Indians to form part of al-BukhErE’s chain of transmitters. They could not have taken part in the formative period of the IadEth sciences. Sindh, which was Islamized earlier on, did take part in these activities and was the exception. Later Indians, however, engaged in those pursuits that were still possible. They compiled newer collections based upon the original collections. They learned the IadEth sciences, memorized texts with their chains and taught these to others. In this regard, a prominent example is that of ? asan al-OaghEnE al-HindE (d. 1252).He was the Indian ambassador to the Abbasid court in Baghdad. Upon orders of the then Abbasid caliph al-MustanIir BillEh, he compiled MashEriq al-AnwEr, a collection of 2246 aIEdEth from the two OaIEIs of BukhErE and Muslim. The caliph himself studied this book from him. For many centuries after that, this book was an integral part of the curriculum of Islamic madrasahs. Numerous commentaries were written on it by ‘ulamE in Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Hijaz. It was held in such high esteem that Sultan MuIammad ibn Tughlaq is reported to have placed it side by side with the Qur’an while taking oath of allegiance from his officers. 6 26 Muhammad Ishaq, India’s Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, (Dhaka, University of Dacca, 1976), 218-221. There are many other examples from each of the succeedi ng centuries as well as some from the previous ones which show that learning IadEth and teaching it to others was very much a part of the educational system. There was IsmE‘El MuIaddith (d. 1056) who was based in Lahore and had dedicated himself to teaching the various Islamic sciences including IadEth. 27 Then there were Shaykh BahlEl of Delhi and MuftE MuIammad of Lahore, both from the time of Akbar (c. ixteenth century). Both were well-known for their expertise in IadEth. 28 MuftE MuIammad used to teach OaIEI BukhErE and MishkEt al-MaIEbEI. Also from the sixteenth century is MEr MurtazE SharEfE, the grandson of SharEf JurjEnE. He left Shiraz to go to Makkah and learned IadEth from ibn ? ajar al-MakkE and got ijEzah (permission/license) from him to teach it to others. He came to settle down in Agra and passed away during the reign of Akbar. 29 Then there was ? Efi? DarEz PeshEwarE who had learned IadEth from his mother. This lady had written a commentary on OaIEI BukhErE in Persian. 0 Moreover, it is mentioned about MuIammad Farrukh, the grandson of AImad Sirhindi, that he had memorized 70,000 aIEadEth along with their chains and texts and their strengths and weaknesses. 31 This devotion to IadEth was not confined to North India alone. Gujarat in western India is situated opposite the Arabian Peninsula and therefore, has enjoyed a closer relationship with the Arab peninsula from the beginning. Prominent ‘ulamE such as ‘AlE MuttaqE (d. c. 1568) and his students MuIammad ibn UEhir PatnE (d. 1578) and ‘Abd al-WahhEb al-MuttaqE (d. 1592) were in the forefront in the science of IadEth.They flourished in Gujarat and Makkah and from there, their influence extended to various parts of the world. In Delhi, ’Abd al-WahhEb’s student ‘Abd al-? aqq (d. 1642) was active in disseminating IadEth. He wrote important commentaries on the major works of IadEth. He was followed by his son NEr al-? aqq, who similarly, was quite active i n serving the IadEth sciences. In South India, we find the sixteenth century scholar BhikErE KEkorvE who wrote a book on the principles of IadEth, titled al-MinhEj. 32 In Zaidpur in eastern India, MawlEnE ‘Abd al27 28 Ishaq, 45-46.GElEnE, 129. 29 Ishaq, 99. 30 GElEnE, 130. For more information about women muIaddithEt (traditionists) throughout Muslim history, see Akram Nadvi’s up-coming 40 volume work al-Muhaddithat: Women Scholars in Islam. Its one volume introduction (muqaddimah) has recently been published by Interfaith Publications, UK. 31 GElEnE, 128. 32 Ishaq, 124. Awwal (d. 1560) had written a commentary on OaIEI BukhErE, titled FayI al-BErE. 33 Even OzEd, more famous for the historical works that he wrote, had written a commentary on OaIEI BukhErE, titled Oaw’ al-OarErE. 4 In Kashmir, there was MullE InEyat AllEh KashmErE (d. 1713). He had taught OaIEI BukhErE thirty six times. 35 And then in the nineteenth century, we find RaImat AllEh IlEhabEdE who had memorized the six books of IadEth (OiIEI Sittah). 36 The rulers also took active part in patronizing IadEth sciences. It is mentioned about Sultan MaImEd ShEh (d. 1397) of the South Indian Bahmani kingdom that he had set aside special stipends for the scholars of IadEth so that they could stay engaged in their scholarly pursuits without having to worry about earning their living. 37Sufis and Knowledge Sufis enjoy perhaps the worst reputation in Islamic scholarly circles. Much of this stems from the behavior and statements of ignorant Sufis. This then leads to a blanket condemnation of all Sufis including the classical giants of taIawwuf. Historical evidence points in a different direction. It would be helpful to consider here the case of some Sufis and their attitudes towards education. In fact, in the second half of the thirteenth century, Delhi saw the founding of the khEnqEh of the famous Chishti saint, Ni? Em al-DEn AwliyE. Not only had Ni?Em al-DEn studied the above-mentioned M ashEriq al-AnwEr from cover to cover but also knew the entire collection by heart. 38 The best source of information about him is his utterances (malfE? Et) that were recorded by his disciple AmEr ? asan SijzE (d. 1336) in his famous work FawE’id al-Fu’Ed. 39 Even a cursory glance at this collection will show that Ni? Em al-DEn had a thorough understanding of IadEth and fiqh. And this in spite of the fact that he was busy training his Sufi disciples and did not have time to be actively involved in the intellectual life of Delhi. Another incident is worth considering.It is mentioned about a certain AkhE SirEj who had moved at a young age from his native Lakhnauti to Delhi to benefit from Ni? Em al-DEn. He lived in Ni? Em al-DEn’s khEnqEh for many years. Once, someone recommended his name to 33 34 Ibid. , 122. Ibid, 163. 35 Ishaq, 160 and GElEnE, 128. 36 GElEnE, 128. 37 Ibid. , 134 and Ishaq, 103. 38 GElEnE, 119. See Nizami, Some Aspects†¦, 347 for the ijEzat nEmah (license to teach) that Ni? Em al-DEn received from his teacher after completing MashEriq al-AnwEr. 39 AmEr ? asan SijzE, FawE’id al-Fu’Ed, translated from Persian into Urdu by ZiyE-ul-? san FErEqE, (New Delhi: DK Printworld, 1996). Ni? Em al-DEn for successorship. Ni? Em al-DEn replied that SirEj was not educated and therefore, not qualified to be a successor. Upon this, one of the scholar disciples of Ni? Em al-DEn, MawlEnE Fakhr al-DEn ZarrEdE volunteered to teach SirEj and fulfill this important condition for him. He accomplished this in six months. 40 This shows the erudition and skill of ZarrEdE as well as the acumen of SirEj to learn. Above all, this incident shows the central importance that Sufis gave to education.One could argue that the sources for all such incidents are hagiographical accounts whose sole purpose is to glorify the personality of the person being written about. Even if we were to accept this charge, although there is enough reason not to, even then, the fact that the biographers considered acquisition of knowledge to be praiseworthy shows the status of knowledge and education in the Muslim society of that time. AVAILABILITY OF BOOKS The scarcity of books in India before the coming of the press has been made quite an issue of.Some historians, as evidence of this claim, have cited an incident involving WalE AllEh’s son, ShEh ‘Abd al-‘AzEz. It is reported that when ‘Abd al-‘AzEz began writing his Persian commentary on the Qur’an (FatI al-‘AzEz), he could not even find al-TafsEr al-KabEr of al-REzE. 41 After a desperate search, he finally found it in the library at the Royal Palace in Delhi. This is hard to believe. All of ‘Abd al-‘AzEz works have come down to us. We find him referring directly to classical works of ShEfi‘E, AbE YEsuf (the main student of AbE ? anEfah), al-GhazzElE, Ibn ? azm, Ibn Taymiyyah, etc.Some of these works were hard to find even a fter coming of the press. It is reasonable to assume that someone who had access to such rare works would also have had access to al-REzE’s work. Even if the incident was to be considered true, it cannot be taken to be representative of a general trend. It appears as an exception rather than the rule. Moreover, GElEnE has cited an incident involving OzEd’s teacher, MEr Tufayl. OzEd writes that once MEr Tufayl went to see the Nawab of Agra. There, a debate ensued about certain linguistic aspects of the Qur’anic verse â€Å"and for those who have the power† (2:184).According to OzEd even for this relatively minor issue, most major works of tafsEr, including al-REzE’s al- 40 41 Ni? EmE, IslEmE TehzEb†¦, 43. GElEnE, 38. TafsEr al-KabEr, al-KashshEf, BayIEwE, and other books of language and rhetoric were consulted. 42 MullE MuIib AllEh BihErE (d. 1707) is a prominent scholar who flourished during Awrangzeb’s (d. 1707) reign. He is the author of Musallam al-ThubEt, a famous work on the principles of jurisprudence (uIEl al-fiqh). A manuscript of the author’s marginalia on this work is available online. 43 In this, he mentions the books that he consulted while writing this book.The list includes all the major works of uIEl of each of the Sunni schools viz. UIEl al-BazdawE, UIEl al-SarkhasE, Kashf al-BazdawE, Kashf al-ManEr, al-BadE‘ along with its commentaries, alTawIEI wa al-TalwEI, al-TaIrEr along with its commentaries al-TaqrEr and al-TaysEr, al-MaIIEl of al-REzE, al-IIkEm of al-OmidE, QaIE’s MukhtaIar along with its various glosses, SharI of alAbharE, SharI of TaftEzEnE, gloss of FEzil MirzE JEn, al-RudEd, al-‘UnqEd, al-MinhEj of alBayIEwE along with its commentary, MukhtaIar of ibn al-? Ejib and Muntaha al-UIEl. This is an exhaustive list.If these books were available to someone working in Bihar, it is quite reasonable to assume that they would have been available in the capital Delhi as wel l. In fact, not only were books easily available during the period under study, rather it was not such a major issue. There are two important reasons for that. Firstly, there was always a professional group of copyists in each locality who were called warrEq (scribe) or nussEkh (copyist). They kept track of all the books available in their area as well as other cities and upon demand they could quickly make copies of the desired book. 4 Secondly, amongst the general educated public most people could write quite fast. About the first contention, the following incident is quite telling. ‘Abd al-QEdir BadEyEnE (d. 1625) was an accomplished scholar and man of letters who was attached to Akbar’s court. Although working under Akbar, he had become thoroughly disgusted with Akbar’s eclecticism. Even though an officially approved history of Akbar’s reign had been written by Abul Fazl titled Akbar NEmah, BadEyEnE felt that the record needed to be set 42 43 Ibid. , 5 7. MuIib AllEh BihErE, ?Eshiyat Musallam al-ThubEt, MS. Or. 350, p. 1, University of Leipzig Library, downloaded from â€Å"UIEl al-Fiqh wa al-QawE‘id al-Fiqhiyyah,† al-MuIIafE min al-MakhIEIEt al-‘Arabiyyah wa alIslEmiyyah, %20 %20 %20 accessed 16 August, 2010). 44 During the period under study, copyrights violation was not an issue. There was no legal hindrance to making copies of other people’s books. Today, the opinion is divided among traditional scholars regarding copyrights. Some insist that they have no basis in Islamic law.Others approve of them. For a sampling, see NEh ? E MEm Keller, â€Å"Copyrights in Islam,† Shadhili Teachings, (accessed 17 August, 2010). right. So, in secret, he wrote his historical work titled Muntakhab at-TawErEkh, in which he showed the darker side of Akbar’s reign. He could not make it public during his own lifetime for fear of severe official reaction. After his death, some copyists got hold of it and befo re long its copies were to be found all over the country. By this time, JahEngEr, the son of Akbar, had ascended the throne.He tried to ban the book. However, in spite of his absolutist powers, JahEngEr could not take this book out of circulation. Every now and then, a report would be received that this book was seen in this town or that city. 45 This can be reasonably attributed to the easy availability of copyists who made sure that they had access to books that people wanted. In fact, this also explains the slow spread of the press in India. The effective system of copyists had relieved people of the need for a printing press. About the second contention, i. e. the writing speed of educated people, let us present some incidents. OzEd has mentioned about a certain scholar Shaykh KamEl: Text books of Iarf (morphology), naIw (syntax), manIiq (logic), Iikmah (philosophy), ma‘EnE, bayEn, fiqh, uIEl, and tafsEr, all of these, he copied with his own hand. And for every book, he wr ote its gloss in such a way that the text did not require the commentary anymore and the commentary did not require the text anymore. 46 Regarding Shaykh NEgaurE, the father of Abul Fazl and FayzE, OzEd writes, â€Å"He wrote 500 volumes with his own hands. 47 Similarly, it is mentioned in the account of a certain Shaykh Junayd ? isErE that he could copy the whole Qur’an in three days and that too with the diacritical marks. 48 To close this topic, let us mention what ‘Abd al-WahhEb MuttaqE has mentioned regarding his teacher ‘AlE MuttaqE. This has been quoted by ‘Abd al-WahhEb’s student ‘Abd al? aq DehlavE in his AkhbEr al-AkhyEr. ‘AlE MuttaqE had moved to Makkah and was the foremost scholar of that city. ‘Abd al-WahhEb mentions about him that he had a habit of copying 45 46 47 48 GElEnE, 59. Ibid. , 62. Ibid. Ibid. , 63. mportant books and sending them out to all those regions where such books were unlikely to be found and people would need them. Writing books was a religious vocation for him. 49 CONCLUSION A systematic study of Islamic intellectual heritage (of India as well as the rest of the Muslim world) is essential for a better understanding of Islamic Civilization. In the preceding account, we have tried to give a glimpse of the educational system of historical Muslim India. This is just a preliminary study. The abundance of historical evidence seems to suggest a very well- organized and organic system of education.Madrasahs, maktabs, mosques, private houses, all kinds of institutions existed in harmony. The options available to any sincere seeker of knowledge were many. Seeking knowledge and imparting it was a sacred exercise and not a commercial enterprise. The general attitude of the public towards knowledge and those who engaged in it was fundamental to the flourishing of this system. General interest in the various Islamic sciences meant that all segments of the population participated in the cul tivation and dissemination of Islamic sciences. Sufis thus placed high value on seeking a proper Islamic education.Similarly, Indian scholars paid close attention to the IadEth sciences. Many of them rose to become pre-eminent IadEth scholars known for their erudition throughout the Muslim world. Moreover, the curriculum that had evolved over the years maintained a healthy balance between the secular and the religious. There were differences in terms of emphasis on the rational vs. the transmitted sciences. However, the overall curriculum was still relatively holistic. In short, Muslim India matched the central lands of Islam in terms of its educational advancement and achievements. 49 See ‘Abd al-? qq DehlavE, AkhbEr al-AkhyEr, translated from Persian into Urdu by SubIEn MaImEd and MuIammad FEzil, (Karachi: MadEnah Publishing Company, n. d. ), 529. BIBLIOGRAPHY Al-BayhaqE, AbE Bakr AImad ibn al-? usayn. (1410 AH). Vol. 2, Shu‘ab al-OmEn [Branches of Faith]. BayrEt: DEr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah. BihErE, MuIib AllEh. ?Eshiyat Musallam al-ThubEt [Marginalia on the Flawless Evidence]. MS. Or. 350. University of Leipzig Library, downloaded from Usul al-Fiqh wa alQawa’id al-Fiqhiyyah [Principles of Jurisprudence and Legal Maxims], al-MuIIafE min al-MakhIEIEt al-‘Arabiyyah wa al-IslEmiyyah [Chosen Arabic and Islamic Manuscripts].Retrieved August 16, 2010. http://mostafamakhtot. blogspot. com/search/label/16%20 %20 %20 %20 DehlavE, ‘Abd al-? aqq. (n. d. ). AkhbEr al-AkhyEr [Reports of the Select]. (SubIEn MaImEd and MuIammad Fazil, Trans. ). 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